Trump hasn’t given up on his divide and conquer strategy

____________________________________________________ More on coronavirus: ____________________________________________________ “The data show a profound shift in whites’ evaluations of black Americans in just a two-year period,” Engelhardt wrote. The decline in Democrats’ racial resentment levels between 2012 and 2016 appears sincere, not cheap talk.” And, Engelhardt contends, there will be significant political and policymaking consequences: This result means that white Democrats’ political decision-making may increasingly reflectsincere belief-change with them increasingly supporting policies addressing racial inequality and candidates championing the same. In pictures: Coronavirus outbreak (Photo Services) Tsai Li-mei (R) teaches a plastic arts class at the Nankan Junior High School in Taoyuan City, Taiwan, on 28 April. Tsai helped students make face shields for themselves to prevent being infected by the COVID-19 disease.  According to Hopkins, some Republicans will oppose intervention on the basis of ideological “small government” principal, not racism, nonetheless raising their racial resentment score. There is a third analysis that stands apart from those of both Engelhardt and Hopkins and Washington: that the growing racial liberalism of white Democrats is more about claiming a moral posture than deeply felt conviction. In addition, Jefferson wrote: Black folks don’t feel the same motivation to save face or protect some egalitarian image of the self that white liberals are struggling with. So black folks can be honest about these questions in ways that white liberals can’t cause they’re too busy worrying about wokeness scores. There is lots of evidence that individuals are susceptible to these kinds of image concerns, so before we conclude that we are witnessing some great awokening, we should design tests of what white liberal do when the rubber hits the roadand they’ve got to trade off their privilege for just outcomes on behalf of black folks and other marginalized groups. Among the factors contributing to the growing consciousness of a white identity among conservatives, she writes, are the election of the nation’s first black president; the media narrative of changing demographics that threaten the majority status of whites; increasing partisan divides over immigration — with President Trump in particular warning of droves of criminals,Mexican or Muslim, seeking to invade the country; and a pervasive sense of being left behind by elites who care mainly about themselves and about urban (i.e. “diverse”) communities. For the moment, however, Schildkraut concludes, “a politically-relevant whiteness seems lacking for liberals.” The best test of the depth and sincerity of changing racial attitudes, in Schaffner’s view, is to look “for longer term movement. I think if attitudes are really changing, that it is likely to happen methodically over time.” From this vantage point, Schaffner writes, I do tend to largely believe Andrew Engelhardt’s findings that white Democrats are becoming less racist over time. “While these trends have escalated under Trump, he didn’t trigger them.” There are strong indications that the shifts — especially those found by Hopkins and Washington — could have a marked effect on the 2020 election. Once Trump was in office — with the racist march in Charlottesville and the president’s hostile comments about black-majority cities and minority legislators in the headlines — white perceptions of racial superiority declined even further, according to the Hopkins-Washington data. Just before the midterm elections in 2018, when a Democratic wave gave the party control of the House, the difference between whites’ ranking of their own race and of black Americans fell to 5.38 points. If, as Hopkins and Washington find, whites are abandoning the relatively high levels of prejudice of 2016 in meaningful numbers, and if this decline contributed to Democratic victories in 2018, Trump will face a steeper climb in capitalizing on racial resentment than he did four years ago. Hopkins followed up by email: Overall, I do think these results indicate that the share of white Americans who would rally to a general election campaign because of its explicit appeals to racial prejudice is smaller than many political strategists suppose.